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This paper examines how soft power, nation branding and academic cooperation came together in the scholarship policy pursued by the Swedish Institute (SI) from 1995 to 2023. An investigation of the organisation's materials, scholarship statistics and feedback interviews with SI programme alumni suggests that the implementation of the scholarship policy was erratic during the study period. A comprehensive analysis of the Institute's efforts was carried out to describe the relationship between nation branding, soft power and education. The focus was on the principles and practices behind promoting Sweden's image in an international educational setting, the evolution of the Institute's scholarship policy and the effect of soft power and nation branding on a grantee's academic track. Interactions between the SI and grantees during and after their stay in the country and scholarship distribution were examined to understand the dynamics behind the scholarship policy. The study draws on the concepts of nation branding and soft power to explore the corresponding elements in certain regional and national cases during the study period. It is concluded that the Institute is an effective tool of Sweden's soft power, with its scholarship policy promoting the Government's official position on global social, economic and political development. SI grantees complete their chosen programmes and get acquainted with the country's social and political institutions. As of today, the educational component seems to be subordinate to nation branding and soft power.

Поступила в редакцию: 15.12.2019. Принята к печати: 23.06.2021. ; Submitted: 15.12.2019. Accepted: 23.06.2021. ; В статье освещается одна из попыток формирования имперской идентичности в Австрии начала XIX в. путем конструирования исторической памяти. Реинтерпретация прошлого в интересах укрепления династического патриотизма наиболее ярко проявилась в «Австрийском Плутархе» Йозефа фон Хормайра. Сочинение, которое преследовало цель создать «Общеавстрийский Пантеон», внесло существенный вклад в мобилизацию народов империи для борьбы с Наполеоном. Данный труд Хормайра и его роль в формировании исторической памяти и наднациональной идентичности империи Габсбургов 1804–1815 гг. до сих пор не получили достаточного освещения в отечественной историографии. Обратившись к этому сочинению, автор статьи попытался проанализировать представленную в нем концепцию истории Австрии как многонационального государства. Кроме того, оценивается влияние этого труда на политический дискурс монархии Габсбургов данного периода. Особое внимание уделено проблеме формирования идентичности с опорой на историческую память, а также методам интеграции образа наднационального государства в исторический контекст. В результате исследования установлено, что нарратив Хормайра стал средством конструирования наднациональной идентичности в монархии Габсбургов и основой для складывания австрийского консерватизма и романтизма. «Австрийский Плутарх» Хормайра — важная веха в формировании общей исторической памяти для всех народов монархии Габсбургов. Его концепция нашла применение в консервативной пропаганде империи, образ которой как «семьи народов» был представлен исторически обусловленным и наиболее эффективным для противостояния внешним угрозам. Данный труд сохранил соответствующее значение и после того, как изменились взгляды самого Хормайра. ; This paper considers an attempt at forming imperial identity in Austria in the early nineteenth century by means of constructing historical memory. The re-interpretation of the past for the sake of promoting dynastic patriotism can be most clearly seen in Joseph Hormayr's Österreichischer Plutarch, a work which was aimed at creating an "All-Austrian Pantheon" and contributed a lot to mobilising the peoples of the empire to fight against Napoleon. Österreichischer Plutarch and its role in forming the historical memory and supranational identity of the Habsburg Empire between 1804 and 1815 have not been studied closely in Russian historiography. The author of the paper attempts to analyse the concept of Austrian history as a multinational state provided in the work. Besides, he assesses the influence of the work on the political discourse of the Habsburg monarchy paying close attention to the formation of identity by means of historical memory, and the methods for multinational state image integration into historical context. The analysis helps establish that Hormayr's narrative became a means of constructing the supranational identity in the Habsburg monarchy, and the basis for the formation of conservatism and romanticism in Austria. Österreichischer Plutarch became a turning point for common historical memory touching upon the identity of all peoples living in the Habsburg monarchy. The concept found its place in conservative propaganda and education in the Empire. The image of Austria as a "family of peoples" found in the work is presented as historically motivated, having its own logic and the purpose to counter external threats. These results retained the same meaning even after Hormayr changed his political views.

The paper deals with the emergence of the conservative patriotic myth issue in Austria between 1805 and 1819. During this period, the Austrian Empire went through transformation from reformist discussions to establishing the conservative political system by the chancellor Metternich. The patriotism of that time was based on the ideas presented by Friedrich von Gentz, Joseph von Hormayr, and Adam Müller. They justified the common identity for Habsburg subjects in philosophical, historical and political senses, regardless of their ethnic and language backgrounds. The purpose of a new myth was to support loyalty to the ruling dynasty during the Napoleonic wars and to create a conservative political course. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the core elements of the conservative patriotic myth in Habsburg monarchy presented in the works by Friedrich von Gentz, Joseph von Hormayr and Adam Müller published between 1805 and 1819. The ideas of those intellectuals effected the change of political course and foreign policy of the Austrian Empire. After the downfall of Napoleon, the ideas of all three intellectuals became a justification for the Metternich course in Austria. The complex of narratives, texts and ideas with social function had a deep impact on the political development of Austria, the political culture of Austrian Germans and non-Germanic peoples of the Empire until its collapse. It had a correlation with Romanticism in public opinion and repressions against anti-monarchist and nationalist movements. It also became a basis for Austrian conservatism as a political ideology.

The authors analyze the policy of NATO towards Sweden and Finland, the neutral states of Northern Europe, in 1991-2016. The authors emphasize that Finland and Sweden have always been of high strategic importance for NATO and the EU defence policy. The authors investigate the main areas of cooperation between NATO and the non-aligned countries of Northern Europe. The authors describe the prerequisites, prospects and possible consequences of Sweden and Finland's membership in NATO. Special attention is paid to the evolution of the policy of neutrality of these countries before and after their accession to the European Union. The aim of this research is to assess the evolution of political views of Sweden and Finland on the development and implementation of the policy of neutrality in 1991-2016. To achieve this goal, the authors use a comparative analysis to explore the stance of the governments of Sweden and Finland on the cooperation with NATO or membership in it. The authors reflect on the concepts of "Finlandisation", "freedom from alliances", "neutrality" and "secret alliance", which are often used in academic descriptions of the evolution of the position of both countries towards NATO. The authors hold that Finland and Sweden may become NATO members only if there is a direct threat to their security. Russian politics in the region may provoke them to take such a step. A referendum on joining the bloc seems to be highly unlikely; even though after the Crimean events, the number of NATO supporters in the two countries increased, they remained a minority. The authors conclude that both countries are involved in a "creeping" integration with NATO after they have become actors of the EU defence strategy. There is a minimum probability of Sweden and Finland's becoming full members of the Alliance. However, the traditional policy of neutrality of both countries is often compromised, particularly towards Russia.